(revised 7/02)

1849

The Ivie family had been holed up at Fort Salt Lake since their arrival in Utah the previous fall of 1848. They had spent the last three winters sleeping out in a wagon, and what shelter they could throw together, the last at the Fort Salt Lake, and the two previous winters in the environs of Pottawattamie county, Iowa. The family was used to roughing it, and a nomadic life seemed to suit James senior, if not the rest of the family, but they were no doubt anxious to get settled somewhere. The church authorities obviously recognized in the family qualities that were needed in settling a harsh and dangerous environment.

In January, 1849 the church authorities sent Amasa Lyman, Orrin P. Rockwell, Dimick B. Huntington, George W, Bean, and other to Utah Valley to explore its suitability as a stock range, and the possibilities of establishing fisheries on Utah Lake. Members of the expedition were impressed, and at a council meeting on March 10 Bringham Young called for 30 men to settle the valley.

Unlike Salt Lake City, which was largely unpopulated when the Mormons arrived, Fort Utah or Provo as the town would soon be known, was located at the center of an annual gathering of the Indians around Utah Lake. Six families went with the original party of 149. It is surprising that any families were allowed to go, as originally the expedition was to be comprised only of men. Among these first settlers were John L. Ivie, Richard Ivie, William Dayton and James P. Hirons. Elna Ivie Wood, a granddaughter of James A Ivie, calculated a total of 14 Ivie family members were among the original settlers of Provo.

Arriving at the Provo River on April 1, the colonists were challenged in their progression by a lone Indian. "About three miles out they were met by a young brave, Angatewats, by name who placed himself on horseback across the trail in front of the foremost wagon and forbade them from proceeding farther. Interpreter Dimick Huntington, who was with the Company, pleaded for them to try the emigrants a while and see if they could not live in peace together, and after about an hour's delay they were allowed to proceed in peace." (GWB) A brave, but ultimately futile protest. The settlers located on the south side of the river, near the lower crossing.

Not surprisingly, the settlement of Utah Valley was plagued by conflict with the Indians. They had always gathered there from the valleys to the east and south to hunt, and to fish in Utah Lake. This annual gathering was essential to their survival, but would not prove compatible with Mormon agriculture. The building of a fort was begun at once. Surrounded by a 14 foot high log stockade built around an ancient mound, it measured 210x420 yards. Inside log cabins, roofed with split lumber and dirt were grouped side by side. Each had two cloth covered windows. A cattle corral was connected to the southeast corner of the stockade.

Dimick B Huntington reported in mid April, "we are all well and in prosperous health, and a good spirit prevails through the camp...Patsowett, an influential Indian, a brother of one that we killed, came in yesterday and cut up high swells...I have made him our friend. He says a great deal about Walker coming in soon. We marshaled ourselves yesterday and find twenty muskets in camp and no cartridges. I wish you would send by Capt. Hunt twenty round apiece for each gun, if you think best. We will take care of the ammunition. We have but one keg of powder and no cartridges. I think it would be good to have another keg, if you please. We fired the cannon once, and it had good effect. There are quite a number of Indians in this vicinity, they appear very friendly at present, but they are very uncertain."

By the first of May, Huntington reported that although the Indians appeared friendly, they were numerous, and coming in from all sides. Next day, Bringham Young warned Huntington to exercise caution, finish the fort, and not let Indians inside. In a subsequent letter to Isaac Higbee, Young reiterated that it would be better for the settlement not to be so familiar with the Indians, "It makes them bold, impudent and saucy, and will become a source of trouble and expense to you. Keep them at a respectful distance, all the time, and they will respect you the more for it. " By this time 225 acres were under cultivation

The Death of Old Bishop

Peaceable relations were maintained until August 1, when the whites themselves initiated the trouble.

"Three impetuous whites finally precipitated trouble with the Indians in August. James Bean told Bringham Young four years later. Jerome Zabriske, Richard A Ivie and John Rufus Stoddard were going out to hunt cattle...they met an Indian, Old Bishop, who was wearing a shirt which Richard A Ivie claimed, alleging that it had been stolen...the Indian refused to give it up, said he had bought it, whereupon they tried to take it from him forcibly, he struggling all the time against them, and to defend himself he drew his bow, when John R Stoddard shot him through the head, killing him instantly. They then dragged his corpse to the Provo River. To dispose of the body they filled the abdominal cavity with rocks and sank the corpse in the river. Nevertheless 24 hours later, Indians discovered the body. The Utes came to believe that yearly on the anniversary of Old Bishop's death, he arose from the water and slowly removed the rocks one by one and threw them into the river".

"This killing of the Old Bishop...immediately caused great excitement amongst the Indians, especially the Timpanoges, located here. They first demanded the murderers, which, of course, was refused by the whites. They then required compensation in cattle and horses, but nothing was ever given, and shortly after this cattle and horses were found with arrows sticking in them, several persons were shot at while in the woods and other places. ..The people prepared for defense. ..Guards were posted at night and armed herdsmen on horseback kept the stock by day. The leading Indians ordered the people off their lands. They made serious threats in case of failure to leave and stock was stolen from time to time." "The presence of a great company of California emigrants, gathered to leave for the goldfields by the southern route, gave the Inidans cause to think, and measles which spread among them also dampened their inclination for warfare."

"A tragedy occurred on August 30, when William Dayton, who had some knowledge of cannons, and assisted by George W. Bean, attempted to give a demonstration of the use of the cannon. The gun had been fired once, but on reloading, "the gunners failed to swab out the bore to insure against the danger of remaining sparks. Suddenly, as the charge was being rammed, there was an explosion, and the men were hurled from the bastion nearly halfway to the gate. Dayton was killed and Bean seriously wounded.

As there was no physician or surgeon in the colony, it became necessary to send for one. Hout Conover started out at 8 o'clock in the evening, soon after the accident occurred, and by hard riding and changing horses on the way, succeeded in bringing Dr. Blake from Centerville to the fort by 4 o'clock the next day. He had ridden 120 miles over rough roads in twenty hours—Bean's wounds were dressed and his left forearm amputated between the wrist and the elbow.”

Dayton was the first husband of Sarah Ann Ivie. They had been married a few years previously in Monroe county, Missouri by Mark Twain's uncle. Although Dayton is said not to have been a Mormon himself, he agreed to migrate to Utah with the Ivie family, and even served in the Mormon Battalion. Their second daughter, Nancy was born 21 Feb 1849 in Salt Lake City, but tragically, just three days later their little daughter Eliza became ill and died. The shock of losing her husband so soon after must have been devastating to Sarah Ann.

Through October the Indians became more difficult. On the 18th, Bringham Young wrote Isaac Higbee, "Take care of your corn, brethren, and grains of all kinds, and pursue the course proposed in our former letters and counsel to you. Stockade your fort and attend to your own affairs, and let the Indians stay out, but while you mix with them promiscuously, you must continue to receive such treatment from them which they please to give."

James A Ivie married Elizabeth Sophia Porter on November 14, in Salt Lake City. She was the daughter of James B Porter. When Parley P Pratt passed through Provo on his way to explore southern Utah later that month, he noted 57 log houses had been built within the stockade.

In response to a January 9, 1850 report, that the Indians were stealing horses and cattle, and threatening to make war, Young reaffirmed his advice of the autumn, asserting there was no necessity for fighting the Indians, and warning the settlers that they would have to answer for any Indians they killed for stealing. "Why, " he demanded, "should men have a disposition to kill a destitute, naked Indian, who may steal a shirt or a horse and thinks it no harm, when they never think of meeting out a like retribution to a white man who steals, although he has been taught better from infancy?"

Young's reluctance to resort to hostilities arose in part from a belief that the settlers were more or less to blame for their difficulties. He finally gave way after receiving further reports that the Indians had killed or stolen between 50 and 60 head of cattle and horses, and that they were "very saucy". They were said to be itching for a fight, and upbraided the settlers as cowards. Bro. Higbee stated the settlers were united in asking the privilege of defending themselves, presumably by taking the offensive.

On January 31 Higbee sent Miles Weaver and Peter W. Conover by express to Great Salt Lake City, to place the case before Brigham Young. The forty-mile trip was made in four hours. They painted a dark picture, asking permission to punish the Indians. Young finally gave way. Captain Howard Stansbury, U. S. Topographical Engineer, in Great Salt Lake City for the winter, no doubt had some influence upon Young's decision. Stansbury felt that his survey would have to be postponed unless the Ute and Paiute Indians were put in their place. With his encouragement a body of militia was sent to Utah Valley.

Grant's company, reinforced by the militia under Captain Conover, started after the Indians on the 9th of February. They were found fortified in the bend of the river, hiding behind the bank, with rude bulwarks of cottonwood timber. They also occupied a log house built by James Bean.

The Utes were commanded by Big Elk, a brave and resourceful Indian. His superior, Ope-Carry or Stick-on-Head, was more peaceful. There were about seventy well armed warriors in the camp. Dimick B. Huntington, the interpreter, called for a pow-wow. Ope-Carry came out and expressed a desire for peace, but while the parley was in progress, Big Elk opened fire. The whites fired back.

At the end of the first day, the Indians courageously still held their position. Artillery was ineffective because of the hidden position of the Utes...At the close of the first day's battle, there were several white men wounded and one known Indian. Suffering from the cold, the weary militia returned to the fort after dark.

The battle was resumed next morning without much success for the besiegers. In the afternoon, the attacking force determined to take the log house at all costs. Lieutenant William H. Kimball, with fifteen men, was dispatched up the river to maneuver into a position facing the back of the house. This side of the house was not provided with windows or doors, but was full of chink holes through which the rifles of the Indians protruded. At the command to charge, every man dashed forward along the bottom of the creek. In endeavoring to cross the ice, the cavalry broke through and for a few minutes were hidden from sight. When they came back into view a few rods from the house, a huge volley of fire welcomed them from the chinks. R. T. Burton and Lot Smith succeeded in riding their horses around the corners and into a passageway between the rooms of the house. Seven or eight horses were shot down in the charge, but no other injuries were suffered. Between the firing, Kimball and others gained the shelter of the house. The infantry, under Conover, were now ordered forward to support the charge, carrying a saw and an ax to cut an entrance into the rear of the house. A few, however, entered from the front, and drew the fire of the Indians.

Investigation the following day revealed two or three warriors either dead or dying, and one squaw dead. The attackers had lost one man, Joseph Higbee, son of Isaac Higbee, and had eighteen wounded. Big Elk, who had sworn never to live in peace with the white men, died on the way to Rock Canyon, to which part of his force had fled.

The notorious Bill Hickman gives this modest version of his role in the battle along with that of James P Hirons, the soon to be husband of the widow Sarah Ann Ivie Dayton. "The next day was Sunday, and fighting was suspended. In the afternoon the Colonel took some fifty men, me with them, to ride around the Indian camp, and see how things looked. After some time I was satisfied there were no Indians there. I told the Colonel so, and urged him to make a charge on the camp, as there was plenty of us to use them up anyhow. He was not in favor of it. I fell behind, and when a good opportunity offered, made a dash through their camp; saw some children and some wounded; rode around quickly and out again, and called to the Colonel. He said they might be in ambush. Then James Hirons, as brave a man as I ever was with, came to me, and we dashed in again, and around, and then called to the company, who rushed in and found the Indians were gone.

The dead and wounded lay thick, only half-a-dozen sick children were left. Everything was burned, and we took with us the children, who were well taken care of. The next day we found the remainder had gone to the mountains, the snow being very deep there. We placed a guard at the mouth of the cañon, and went in search of other portions of the tribe in the south end of the valley. I was sent with a party of six to spy out the situation of the Indians on Spanish Fork, twelve miles south. We found the Indians encamped in the brush on the creek, and fifty or sixty head of horses feeding on fair ground close by. On our arrival in sight some of the Indians rushed out and drove their horses into the brush. On our return conversation was about the number of Indians we had seen. Some said thirty, some forty, and some sixty. I was riding with Captain Carus, a fine, clever old Dutchman. "ell," said he, "Villiam, how many do you say we saw." I told him twelve, for I had counted them; I mention this to show you how things multiply to persons when fear and excitement have possession of the inexperienced, such as these.

On the next day we marched for them, but on search, found a trail where they had left for the Utah Lake, some twelve or fifteen miles west.

We scouted the country a few days and went to Provo to go up the canon and wind up the war. Two companies were sent up the cañon, one under Captain Lameraux, and one under Captain Little. I was sent ahead as a spy with Mr. Hirons, of whom I have already spoken. We proceeded up the cañon some two or three miles, occasionally going up the side of the mountain so we could get a fair view of things ahead. We did not see anything for some time, when all at once we looked below and saw the Indians in a ravine not a hundred yards off. We had reached this place under cover, saw the Indian spies looking down the cañon, and knew from all appearances we had not been seen. "What shall we do?" said Hirons. I answered, "We will give them a shot apiece, and if they don't run, we will." "Pick your man so we won't both shoot at the same Indian," said he. We lay snug behind the rocks; the word was given by him, and we both fired, fetching our men. The Indians broke, and we fired again, but I do not think we hit any, as they were running. We threw ourselves in sight, and waived our handkerchiefs for the companies to come on. As far as we could see the Indians were running up the cañon.

We went down to see the Indians we had shot. Hirons told me I had killed the chief, Big Elk. I took off his head, for I had heard the old mountaineer, Jim Bridger, say he would give a hundred dollars for it... I took the head, gun, bow and arrows, mounted my horse, took a pretty spuaw [sic] behind me and a sick pappoose in front, and was off for our quarters... We took the prisoners to the city, and distributed them among the people. The warriors were all killed but seven or eight, and the next spring all the prisoners that wanted to went to adjoining tribes. (Hickman)

Not to be outdone by Hickmans crude antics, the Army's surgeon. Dr. Blake, "cut the heads off the Indians that were killed and brought them to the fort. He had 40 or 50, and said that after the flesh was off he was going to take them back to Washington.

Some forty Indians were slain. The total white loss was one dead and about eighteen wounded. This chastisement sobered the Indians and perhaps also the settlers; as little more difficulty was experienced until the Walker War of 1853, although it is likely that a massacre at Walker's hands during the summer of 1850 was averted only because Sowiette notified the whites of their peril, telling Walker, 'When you move, you will find me and my men in the fort defending.'"

The recently widowed Sarah Ann Ivie Dayton, married James Pettyjohn Hirons in February 1850. Hirons, like her first husband had been a member of the Mormon Battallion. He had been assigned to the Pueblo Detachment, likely because his wife Mary Ann Jameson Hirons along with the other washer women that had accompanied the Battaliion were ordered to winter at Pueblo, Colorado. The detachment entered Salt Lake Valley, on July 29, 1847, shortly after the pioneer party. By November, James Hirons and his wife, Mary Ann had separated. Her father, Charles Jameson petitioned the High Council to decide the disposition of the property. After hearing testimony, Charles C. Rich pronounced, "Give the woman half the blankets and the cow and let Hirons see that she is supplied with breadstuffs until after harvest." The city marshal was ordered to see that the decision was carried out as Hirons was about to accompany the Hunt expedition over the southern route to California .

Sarah Ann likely knew this part of Hirons history, and since she married him at the time of his heroics under Hickman's tutelage, she must have had some idea of his temperament. She seems to have been attracted to rather reckless men,

In the spring, irrigation ditches were dug, the settlers began building a second fort on a site that was warmer, and less likely to flood. A school house was built in the fort, and was taught by a non-Mormon, William Hurst. On April 4 & 5. Provo. James (?) Ivie was defended by Hosea Stout before Bishop Whitney over "a matter of debt." Ivie won. Surveying was done in the summer, and one hundred and sixty acres were laid off into city lots in the northwest quarter of the city.

William Franklin Ivie traveled to Salt Lake City to marry Melinda Jane Young, in December. She was the daughter of Alfred Douglas Young.

James R Ivie was elected a member of the first town council in Provo. In February, 1851, the General Assembly of Deseret granted Provo a charter modeled on that of Nauvoo, Ill., with a city council consisting of a mayor, four aldermen, and nine councilors. In April, Ellis Earns, mayor was elected mayor, William Pace, Harlow Redfield, David Canfield, and Samuel Clark, aldermen, and Gilbert Haws, James R. Ivie, William M. Wall, Chauncy Turner, George A. Smith, 'Jonathan 0. Duke, David Cluff, Ross R. Rogers, Ezekiel Kellogg, and Thomas G. Wilson, councilors..."In those times," says John Booth, "the laws requiring actual residence as a qualification for holding office were not so strict as now. George A. Smith did not establish a residence . . . until 1852, but he was chosen a member of the City Council. . . George A. Smith in matters of government knew more than perhaps any other man in Utah, and he might with profit to the cities, [have] been a member of more than one City Council. (64 PROVO)

In March, James R Ivie was ordained a High Priest by Bringham Young, in Provo.

In-laws William McKee Fausett and James Allred families migrated to Utah when Kanesville, Iowa is abandoned as the Mormon migration's eastern terminus. In the last year, James Allred as President of the Kanesville High Council was the ranking church authority in the eastern United States. The town is put up for sale. Various Allred families locate at the mouth of Big Cottonwood Canyon, Salt Lake County, where they had "plenty of water but little land."

Daughter Poly Ann Ivie married Jerome Zabriskie, the son of Henry Zabriskie and Nancy Newgin on May 5. He was born in Eugene, Indiana, January 24, 1828. He joined the Mormon Battalion at eighteen, was discharged at Los Angeles in July, 1847, but re-enlisted for six months in the "Mormon Volunteers" stationed at San Diego. He was in California at the time of the gold rush, coming to Utah in 1849 when he settled with his parents at Provo. He took an active part in the pioneering of Provo and Springville (1849-57) and served in the Indian wars. Along with Poly Ann's brother Richard Ivie, and John R Stoddard, Jerome was responsible for the death of the Indian Old Bishop.

Tensions with the Indians were exasperated in 1852, with the passage, in January, of legislation outlawing the Indian slave trade. "The Utes had been growing increasingly restive at white encroachment, and enforcement of this act alienated them entirely."

James R and wife Sarah receive their Endowments and are Sealed to one another by Bringham Young in his Office at Salt Lake City, on February 14. A grandchild Alva Jerome was bornn on February 27, to Poly Ann and Jerome Zabriskie. Also early in the year Young asked uncle James Allred to take his sons, their wives and families and move south into Central Utah. They settled at Spring City, also known as the Allred Settlement, in Sanpete county.

At a Court Marshall held at the City Hall in Provo on May 11, Jim junior along with 16 others were charged with missing militia drill. A notation next to his name alleges he was "notified on Friday the day previous to drill", and was fined $2.00. The fact that so many men missed drill probably does not reflect well on the disciple and readiness of the local militia, but then, perhaps drill came second to the hard necesities of survival. Charles Turney was excused with the explanation he "went to put up fence to keep cattle from destroying the wheat", as was Thomas Swindlehurst for going "to get a load of wood as (he) could not get a wagon on any other day." A total of $25 in fines were levied against twelve of the men, no small change in cash strapped Utah. Most debts were paid in kind, flour being one of the easier commodities with which to conduct business

The combining of town and farm life would become the hallmark of Mormon colonization, but the pattern was not yet set, and there was a tendency to revert to the pattern of scattered, individual homesteads that predominated in most Western settlement. "There were those...who contrary to advice, began establishing homes on their farms throughout the valley" But Young was insistant, compact settlements were easier to defend, and they encouraged a communal social and religious life. That this form of settlement also facilitated the church's influence was not overlooked. Young's viewpoint had its supporters among some living in Provo, who felt frustrated by a church and civic leadership who demonstrated a contrary oppinion. A petition was got up and sent off to President Young in May.

Provo City

May 19, 1852

To the President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints:

Your petitioners doth humbly pray that the presidency may take into consideration the propriety of some different regulations at this Stake of Zion, that the place may be built up. With the present regulations it seems to be at a dead stand, for we truly feel as if we had not the encouragement necessary to build public buildings or even private ones, for we consider that those who should be foremost in building up the place, have deserted us and moved out of the city to make them fine farms, etc.

Of the Church Authorities not one single one lives in the city but Bishop Blackburn is building so there is a prospect of one. Of the city authorities, out of fifteen, there are two aldermen and three counselors in the city and of policemen five only live in the city out of fifteen. Post Office among the missing. Your petitioners are desirous for the welfare of this place and felt in duty bound and if it is consistent we would be heartily glad if Bro. Geo. A. Smith could be appointed to take the lead of matters here and if so, we feel sanguine in the belief that it would meet with a universal aprobation, and we feel disposed to contribute liberally towards building him a house and other improvements, provided that he would come here.

The matter is submitted to your honors, and we humbly beseech you to take such steps as you think expedient and your petitioners will ever pray;

Among those signing were Thos. C Ivie, John Faucett, Wm A. Foset & Franklin Ivie. James senior did not sign. Was he among the missing city authorities, or did he, as a Counselor, deem it improper, or perhaps politically inexpediant to sign.? As requested, Bringham Young appointed George A. Smith to preside in Utah County, where he arrived on August 1, and on the 22nd, chose Dominicus Carter and Isaac Higbee as counselors. Five wards were organized with Jonathan 0. Duke, James Bird, Edward Dark, W. M. Wall and William Fausett as bishops. Ward boundaries were established and a high council was appointed. William Faussett was James sr's brother-in-law.

The father of James R and Thomas C, Anderson Ivie died in Monroe county, Missouri on May 29. Under the provisions of his will, Anderson left everything to his wife Sally until her death, when his estate was to be equally divided among his children, with the exceptions of sons James Russell and Thomas C Ivie.

"I then give and bequeath to my beloved wife Sarah Ivie my entire estate...do with as may seem to her best and use her discretion without any hindrance or Protest from any or every person or persons and after her death the property and effects that may be on hand I wish and will shall be equally divided between my children (share and share alike) Polly Ann Billington, John A Ivie, Elizabeth Allred, William S Ivie, Isaac L Ivie, Sally M Long, and Martin J Ivie.

"I give and bequeath to James R Ivie and Thomas C Ivie the sum of one dollar each to be paid out of my Estate.

"It is my further will that my Estate shall not go into the County Court and at the death of my wife Sarah if my children to whom I have given my estate cannot agree they may select any number of persons that they may see fit to divide my Estate."

There are a couple of ways the will can be interpreted. That Anderson was pleased that his two sons had following the Mormons to Utah, and had settled their portion of his estate on them when they left, or more realistically that he was dead set against their going, and had cut them off, but left them a dollar as a hindrance to their contesting the will.

One family story is that Anderson gave James a young slave, who was freed in Iowa when James realized the impracticality of taking a slave to Utah. A team of oxen or two, no doubt, would have been a cheaper and more appreciated parting gift. The family was reportedly well outfitted, which is born out by the fact they were allowed to travel with the 1848 migration. Whether or not Anderson gave anything to James or Thomas on their departure, they obviously were not happy with their share of the inheritance, otherwise they would not both have made the not inconsequential journey back to Missouri to contest the will two years later.

Richard, James A, Wm Franklin, John L Ivie and wives receive their Endowments and are Sealed to their wives on July 28, either in Bringham Young's office. John Lehi Ivie married Mary Catherine Barton.

Heber Kimbal Ivie, son of James Russell and Elizabeth Faussett Ivie, is born November 19, at Provo.

In March, 1853, James R Ivie was a member of a Grand Jury that heard several cases over a four day period, the most noteworthy being two cases involving Joshua Sweat. "The first case brought before the Grand Jury was the People vs Joshua Sweat for 'riotous conduct'...as the jury sat impaneled, discussing the possibilities of the case. The defendant, Joshua Sweat, broke through the doors and charged upon the jury wielding a knife. Deputy Sheriff Bean tried to stop him but was having little success; his (Bean's) left arm being missing, shot off by the accidental discharge of the cannon in Fort Utah in 1849. The jury came to the rescue and Sweat was carried off to confinement and charged $10.00 for his conduct."

"A separate indictment was heard against Sweat in conjunction with Hannah Haws for "Lewdness.... By openly, grossly lying in bed with each other against the peace and dignity of said Territory. The pair was found guilty but the peace and dignity of the Territory was apparently satisfied when the couple were married by Jonathan 0. Duke, a juror, and the charges were dropped. Hannah was granted a divorce in 1857 after Sweat had disappeared 'near three years.' "

Provo at first was confident in its strength...its inhabitants supposed the city strong and safe enough without fort walls, but in March, the mayor called a mass meeting calling for the erecting walls about the city. It was finally voted that each property owner build a rod of wall for each lot in their possession, under penalty of forfeiting the lot..."

An attempt was made, and a wall was partially built around the city, but it was never completed. Thomas Ivie built a large house in Prove about this time.

Mr. Ivie, who tradition says would not turn aside to avoid a "set to."

Don Carlos Johnson

Wakara was born about 1815 near the Spanish Fork river in Utah. Skilled in languages--learning both Spanish and English, he became a trader and negotiator with the whites. After the 1829 opening of the Spanish Trail, Ute leaders regularly stopped the caravans and demanded tribute for crossing their lands. Wakara formed an alliance with mountain men Thomas "Pegleg" Smith and James Beckworth and began regularly raiding for horses from settlements at both ends of the trail, in New Mexico and California.

Wakara was also involved in the slave trade. Spaniards had made expeditions into Utah since the 1740s, trading cloth and metal objects for furs and people. Raiding more sedentary Great Basin Indian groups such as the Paiute, Wakara traded young men and women to work in the mines of northern Mexico and in the homes of Spanish colonists.

One observer described Wakara in 1843 as the "principal ruling chief...ow [ing] his position to great wealth. He is a good trader, trafficking with the whites and reselling goods to such as his nation are less skillful in striking a bargain." .

In 1847 Mormons entered Ute lands. At first Wakara accepted their arrival, even inviting them to settle. He was in hopes they would prove useful trading partners. Wakara even agreed to be baptized into the Mormon Church (13 March 1850) and was instramental, a number of times, in allayed fears and misunderstandings on both sides.

Mormon leaders moved to disrupt the Mexican trade in stolen horses and slaves, thus undermining the source of Wakara's wealth and power. As the Mormon population grew, the Indian population declined through disease and the destruction of food sources. Wakara came to distrust the white settlers as they encroached on Ute hunting lands and began resisting that encroachment.

In July 1853, while Wakara and his followers were camped on Spring Creek near Springville, an altercation over trade took place in which a Mormon settler, James A Ivie, killed a Ute and wounded two others. Wakara demanded that Ivie be turned over to the Indians. The request was refused, and open hostilities soon broke out.

The following is taken from “Brief History of Springville, Utah“, by Don Carlos Johnson.

"The Indians had been allowed to consume tithing melons, potatoes and

other perishable stuff and had been given "biscuit and a-muck" by the

settlers." Don Carlos Johnson recalls, but cautioned that "Some of the more belligerent colonists were in favor of feeding the Lamanites powder and shot and now an opportunity presented itself."

"Walker, the war chief of the Ute nation, with his braves and their families were camped on Spring creek about one mile north of the present town of Springville, Utah county, all at peace with the white settlers, spending their time fishing and hunting, and trading and begging from the people. James (A) Ivie, at that time had built a cabin and was living in it with his wife and one child about half a mile north and west of where the Indians were camped. In the forenoon of July 17, 1853, an Indian and squaw came into Ivie's cabin. The squaw had three large trout which she wanted to trade to Mrs Ivie for some flour. Mrs Ivie called her husband to get his advice on the trade. He suggested that Mrs Ivie give three pints of flour for the trout.

Two other Indians came into the cabin, one of them the husband of the squaw, and when he saw the small amount of flour she had received, he became angry and began beating the squaw. Ivie tried to push the Indian out of the cabin. Grabbing a gun, the Indian tried to get in position to shoot Ivie. Ivie took hold of the muzzle of the gun in the struggle the gun was broken. Ivie hit the Indian a hard blow on the head with the barrel of the gun, and the Indian fell to the ground, apparently dead, but did not expire until some hours later.

The other Indians who came to the cabin at the same time as his companion drew his bow and arrow and shot Ivie, the arrow passing through the shoulder of Ivie's buckskin shirt. At this Ivie struck the Indian a violent blow and he fell unconscious by the side of the prostrate body of the other Indian. Just as Ivie got through with this second Indian, the squaw that he had been trying to protect came out of the cabin door with a stick of wood in her hand which she had picked up by the side of the fire in the cabin. With it she struck Ivie a blow in the face cutting a deep gash in his upper lip, the scar showed plainly from that time until his death. Ivie again used the gun barrel to defend himself and struck the squaw. She fell unconscious by the side of the prostrate bodies of the two Indians. News of the affair soon reached the Indian camp and intense excitement reigned both in the settlement and in the Indian camp.”

At this stage Joseph Kelly, came upon the scene...(he) took a bucket of water that stood in the cabin and poured it on the Indians, trying to restore them. He sent the Indian who had first accompanied the squaw to the Ivie cabin, and had not taken part in the fight for another bucket of water. Instead this Indian reported to the Indian camp what had happened. Kelly then told Ivie to take his family into town.

"Bishop Aaron Johnson, who was chief magistrate in all civil and military affairs at Springville, took immediate steps to protect the settlement. He ordered Caldwell's cal very and Parry's infantry to be mustered in and be ready for action at call. All the other male citizens over sixteen years of age were enrolled as a home guard. Johnson with his interpreter, William Smith, tried everything in his power to settle the trouble with Chief Walker, by offering ponies, beef, flour, and blankets but Walker refused to settle unless Ivie was given up to be tried by the Indians, which Johnson refused to do."

"Andrew Leslie and John Maycock were watering grain in James B Porter's field...a short distance beyond Spring creek, when a large party of Indians, who had been down on Provo river, came along. One of the squaws stopped at James Ivie's cabin, near by...During the melee Leslie and Maycock hurried to the scene of hostilities...When they arrived they found the squaw pouring water on the head of her lord.

"When the Indian was in a condition to ride, the cavalcade proceeded to the house of Bishop Johnson, where a number of the brethren had already gathered, having heard of the affray. The Indians demanded, as a balm for the wounded crown, an ox and a gun. The Bishop was in favor of acceding to their demands, but some of the more hot headed were for fight and did not believe in paying for an Indian's broken head. The Indians saw that their request was to be refused, and suddenly, with a wild war whoop, brandished their arms and spurred their ponies southward through town toward Payson canyon. By this time the whites began to think they had acted unwisely and William Smith. Ransom Potter and A. B. Wild were dispatched by Bishop Johnson to overtake the Indians and offer them anything in reason to appease their rage.

"They found the Indians encamped at the mouth of Payson canyon and in a

frenzy of excitement. Just before reaching the hostile camp. Wild and Potter were left with the horses, and Smith, the interpreter advanced toward the red men, shouting peace talk and making pacific signs with his hands.

"When he reached the Indians the first sight that greeted his eyes was the wounded Indian lying on a skin. Smith spoke to him and partially turned him over, but the wounded man only groaned in agony . Some of the leading Indians were called into a council and Smith asked what it would take to keep peace. After much gesticulating and guttural ejaculations, which the peace man could not understand, they finally expressed a willingness to settle the matter upon the payment of one beef, one gun and a pair of blankets. The white agent agreed to this demand, and an Indian was dispatched to town for the property, in company of the white envoys. The beef was soon forthcoming, also a gun, but the blankets, owing to their scarcity, were hard to procure, and the Indian evidently unable to control his anger, finally put spurs to his horse and with a fearful yell rode madly toward the hostile camp.

"The situation now assumed a more serious aspect, and it was considered

expedient to send another envoy to treat with the enraged Indians, Accordingly Stephen C Perry, James Guyman, Davis Clark and Greg Metcalf. the latter going as interpreter. were hastily mounted and dispatched to overtake the frenzied savage, and purchase peace at any price. At the mouth of Payson canyon they found a large band of Indians in a very excited condition. Several chiefs in war paint rode around them brandishing their weapons in a threatening manner.

"After a time the interpreter gained the attention of the blood-thirsty savages and tried to explain that the Indian himself was to blame, and that the "white chief" was

willing to pay an ox for the Indian's broken "cocoanut" and a new rifle for the broken

one. also a pair of blankets. But all terms were rejected. For a time things appeared hopeless for the white men, and it was only with the utmost persuasion on the part of the chiefs, that the envoys were permitted to return to the settlement.

"At this time Walker was camped at Peteetneet ( now Payson ) with several hundred braves. During a lull in the excitement, just before the envoys started for home, they administered to the wounded Indian, who was in a serious condition. This seemed to inspire the Indians with awe: and the interpreter told them that if the brave died, the white men would pay "heap beef" for him, A few minutes after the departure of the white men. the Indian died.

"It was just dark, and as soon as the envoys were well out of sight, thev

took a cut-off, known to one of the party, and thereby saved their lives: for no sooner had they gotten well on their way than the Indians, with a wild yell. started in pursuit, but taking the regular road they missed their opportunity for revenue, As soon as the Indian died pandemonium broke loose, the redskins being perfectly wild. Walker was greatly enraged. and that night he and some of his men rode into Payson and shot a man named Kiel (Keele), .who was standing guard. The alarm was spread rapidly throughout the

county, and companies of minute men were organized to rush to any point where their assistance might be most urgently needed." On the 20th of July, Colonel Peter W Conover of Provo took a force of men south towards Manti for Chief Wakara’s's main camp was in Payson Canyon. Not wanting to leave Provo undefended, Major Wm M Wall was left in command with his own company of mounted rangers, as well as Captain Richard A Ivie, with a company of Infantry, and Captain Coleman Boren, with a company of the Cavalry.

"The Indians returning in war paint raided the settlements of Utah, Juab, Sanpete, Millard, and Iron Counties during the summer and fall. The last engagement was at the south end of Utah Lake, generally spoken of as the Goshen Valley Battle, which lasted about three hours; the troops taking the Indian camp. Nine Indians were killed; some of the troops and horses were shot, but none mortally. Some Indians and their families came down Hobble Creek Canyon to Springville a short time after, saying that the war was over. Caldwell's cavalry and Parry's infantry were released from duty, having served a period of ninety-one days; from July 18th to October 15. 1853. The war was mainly a series of raids led by Wakara on the Mormon settlements, fewer than twenty whites were killed, but many more Utes died.

On March 12, 1854, James T S Allred met with Chief Wakara who gave his version of events. "He says this last difficulty was caused by the mormons, alluding to the assault at Springville or Hobble creek, the Indian that received the blow over the head in that affray was his cousin who has since died he says that made him a little mad and being blinded by the influence of the Devil and not seeing the result of the course he was taking caused him to act as he has. He more over said at the time that Ivie struck the Indian Shaweneshookets with the gun that the Indian was whipping a squaw which was no difference to the mormons if he had of kill her but had it of been a mormon woman that he was whipping then the mormons would of been justifiable in interfering. From this offense they killed the man at Payson and stole some property, he says that when he left Payson and got over the mountain he began to think and came to the conclusion that his men had done enough for that offense and told them so and tried to get them to hold on, but that they were determined upon more depredations and urged him to come down upon the Allred & Hamblin Settlements and Kill them all off and drive of their stock but that he persuaded them not to Kill the people but be content with driving off their stock which they were determined on doing.. Yet he was opposed to that but could not prevent them and as a proof he says that he made an alarm smoke so that the mormons might get up their cattle." Allred was skeptical, and considered Wakara was making excuses. James R Ivie was elected 1st Lieut, Company C of the Nauvoo Legion on 29 April, Jerome Zabriskie was a private.

In May, Young and several other Mormon Church leaders and their families went on a tour of southern Mormon settlements. Presents were sent to Wakara and arrangements made for him and other Ute leaders to meet Young and his party at Chicken Creek. The issue of Mormon occupation of Ute lands was not settled; however, Wakara agreed to peace. The treaty of peace was signed by Walker in May, 1854, at his camp on Meadow Creek, Juab County." The treaty was never formalized by federal government action, but Wakara kept his word. He died of pneumonia on 28 January 1855.

During the church's twenty-fourth annual conference, Bringham Young cautioned: "Never let [Indians] come into your houses, as the whites did in Utah [County]. There they would let them lounge upon their beds . . . When their familiarities became oppressive to the whites, and they desired them to leave their houses, it made them angry . . . this is the true cause of the Indian difficulties in Utah." It is uncertain that Young was referring specifically to members of the Ivie family. He was not yet aware of the involvement of Richard Ivie in the murder of Old Bishop, but he would have been informed of Jim A Ivie’s role in the outbreak of the Walker War, and no doubt knew that he and his younger brother John "supplied fish and meat to the settlement of Provo and often mingled with the Indian braves along the shore of Utah Lake". Bringham Young knew the Ivie family personally, and would have had little difficulty envisioning young men like James and John running a bit wild in this wild country.

Aside from the loss of life and livestock, The Walker War was significant in its re-emphasis upon compacting the settlements...families living on outlying farms moved back in upon the several town sites, and fortification activities characterized life in all the towns. On a more personal note, Elna Ivie Wood observed, "Too bad the ultimate event that climaxed with the war was laid at the feet of any one man because it put the feeling of constraint upon James Alexander Ivie and his entire family causing many of them to leave the church."

.

James R and Thomas C Ivie travel back to Missouri where they try to break their father's will. End by signing a quite claim and receive a $228. settlement from their siblings. How did they get there and return? (expand)

1855

"In 1855 grasshoppers darkened the sky like heavy clouds, and the ravages were much more thorough than the previous year. Added to this plague was a severe drought, which in many places made the devastation complete and gave the valleys the appearance of having been scorched by fire." Forty lodges of Indians encamped in the Old Fort threw down the fence, and turned their horses and cattle into the wheat. The act was the more aggravating because only this field had been spared by the locusts. The grasshoppers continued to ravage the crops; the farmers plowed and sowed a second time, and a second time the ground was stripped of vegetation. The sage and grease-wood bushes were black with locusts' "About two-thirds of the grain in Utah County is destroyed," reported George A. Smith from Provo, "and a large black bug is devouring the potatoes. All the farms south . . . are nearly a desert. This is rather a dark picture, but I regret to say it is not overdrawn. Myriads of grasshoppers, like snow flakes in a storm, occasionally fill the air . . . as far as the eye can reach." Nevertheless he reflected a little later, "It is good there is something to try the Saints, or the sieve would not have its cleansing effect as it now does."

Forty-one brethren,, were called at a General Conference of the Church in April 1855 to settle in the vicinity of the Elk Mountains near Moab, Utah, to educate and convert the roving bands of Utes who frequented this area. Alfred N. Billings was appointed president of the mission by Brigham Young. They were "set apart" in early May, with instructions to gather at Manti with the equipment and livestock they would need to establish a mission among the Indians. James A & John Lehi Ivie were among the group that left Manti on May 21st.

The journey to the Grand River took twenty days and the party arrived, June 11, at what is Moab, Grand County, Utah, where they built a fort. An irrigation canal three miles long was dug and crops were planted. Their journal records that on 21 June 1855 no Indians had yet come in sight of the group, however, in July 1855 a few did come and were baptized. Their diary indicates that when the Indians came to the Fort to talk with them they were told by the missionaries that they had come to be their friends. They had come to settle down and they wanted to plant crops and live among them.

One of the missionaries, James W. Hunt, became concerned about his horse that was pastured some distance from the Fort and went to get it. He was accompanied by an Indian who, up until that time, had been considered friendly. The Indian's name was Charles. On the way to the horse he wanted to follow Hunt, asking him why he was afraid. After they got some distance from the Fort, Charles shot Hunt in the back. From that time forward open warfare began between the groups. Two other missionaries were killed. Edward Edwards and William Behunin were ambushed and killed.

The Indians began burning haystacks and running off what livestock they could, and generally to threaten the safety of the group. The following morning, Monday, Sept. 24, the missionaries abandoned the Fort and began their return trek to Manti. This ended the Elk Mountain Mission into Grand Valley. They did mark a trail and built a road that would be followed by other settlers.

1856

"The winter of 1855-56 was one of the severest in the history of Utah. Heavy snows buried the ranges; and thousands of head of cattle and sheep died of cold and starvation. The people fared little better."

It is probably not surprising that some Indians resorted to cattle rustling for survival. James and Richard Ivie were subpoenaed, in mid February as witnesses in a trial of two Indians, Pah-Bitch and Mo-Lee for stealing horses. The trial was held in Federal Court in Salt Lake City.

United States Vs

Pah-Bitch

Mo-Lee

Indians, in Utah County.

An Indictament for Larceny

15th Feb 1856

On a charge of stealing two horses from Joseph Hites of Utah County.

Deposition by James Ivie

United States of America

Territory of Utah } To Joseph L Heywood

United States marshall or any of his Deputies

Greetings.

Whereas Complaint on Oath by James Ivie of the said Territory has this day been made

before me Charging Squash, Showisochockets(?), Cotton Legs, Tintick, Mo-Lee & Nanupriwich(?) Indians with having been unlawfully engaged in Killing & Driving Cattle, Mules & Horses belonging to persons unknown to the said Ivie.

You are therefore hereby Commanded to take the Bodies of each and all of the aforsaid

Indians & bring them forthwith before me to be dealt with according to Law.

Given under my hand this 20th day of Feb 1856

W W Drummond

Associate Justice U. T.

W W Drummond would soon become one of the most hated of a long list of hated

Federal Judges. Drummond had little use for Mormonism, and the church had little use for him. In the deposition of James Ivie there was no reason for his anti-Mormon sentiments to surface, and on the face of it there seems no reason to fault him in carrying out the duties of his office in this instance. Unfortunately there is no indication of which James Ivie appeared before Associate Justice Drummond.

Warren Foote Goes Courting

About the 18th day of Feb. 1856 I went to Provo after Eliza Maria Ivie Daughter of James N (sic) Ivie and Eliza M. Fawcett Ivie. I returned the 20th. The roads were very muddy. On the 2nd day of March Eliza Maria Ivie was sealed to me by President B. Young in his office at Salt Lake City. She was born the 29th day of March 1842 in Monroe County, State of Missouri. Eliza Maria Ivie was only 14 when she married Foote, who was 40. According to one family story she was "literally sold into polygamy by her father."

By the mid-1850s the church operated Perpetual Emigrating Fund was broke, and the costs for wagons and teams were high. In 1855 Brigham Young outlined a scheme to outfit poor emigrants with carts to be pulled by hand. Between 1856 and 1860 nearly 3,000 emigrants pulled some 650 carts 1,300 miles from Iowa City, Iowa to Salt lake City. Historian LeRoy Hafen, has called it "the most remarkable travel experiment in the history of Western America."

Handcarts, assembled at outfitting points in Iowa City resembled carts found in railroad stations . The carts had hickory or oak wagon beds and hickory shafts, side pieces, and axles. Wheels were as far apart as normal wagon wheels. Each cart carried 400 to 500 pounds of foodstuffs, bedding, clothing, and cooking utensils, and needed two able-bodied people to pull it. Five people were assigned to each cart. Adults could take only seventeen pounds of baggage, children ten pounds. Families with small children traveled in covered or family carts which had stronger axles made of iron.

Each company included a few ox-drawn commissary and baggage wagons, at least one per twenty carts. Wagons or carts carried large public tents, one for every twenty people. A "Captain of Hundred" had charge of five tent groups. Five companies in 1856 and two in 1857 outfitted in Iowa City and needed a month to move 275 miles on existing roads over rolling prairie to Florence, averaging eight to nine miles per day. Passing through partly settled areas, they obtained some supplies along the way. After resting at Florence, these seven companies followed the Mormon Trail to Salt Lake City.

At 24 Sarah West was poor, or she would not have been part of a handcart company. She was likely no stranger to hardship. To leave, home alone the the age of 24 to travel in steerage for a month at sea, then to walk a third of the way across the American Continent, a desolate part still inhabited by Indians and buffalo, meant life was likely somewhat desperate in England. No doubt she was inspired by her faith, and the zeal of the missionaries preaching the glorious gathering of Zion, while down playing the grinding drudgery that lay ahead. Was she an orphan? Where her parents Peter West and Elizabeth Pew (Pugh)? Was she born in Deerhurst, Gloustershire in 1832?

Sarah left Liverpool, England, on May 3, 1856 with 764 fellow Mormons, bound for New York on the ship Thornton. The group was put on trains in New York and arrived at Iowa City, Iowa on June 26. In Iowa City Sarah West and part other group were formed into the Willey handcart company. She began the journey across the plains on July 15 much later in the season than any handcart company had set out before. The Willey and following Martin companies were caught in blizzards while crossing the rocky Mountains in Wyoming. The Wiley company numbering about 400 persons lost 67 or about one sixth of their number.

They left Iowa City late, in part because more people came than expected, causing delays to assemble more handcarts and tents. The two companies crossed Iowa in normal time, but repairs at Florence slowed them. Then, on the Mormon Trail, extra flour added to the carts slowed and damaged them. Expected flour at Fort Laramie never came. Short rations and lack of warm clothes drained the travelers' energy. Severe snowstorms caught them, dropping snows up to eighteen inches deep and temperatures below freezing. Food ran out; cattle died; rescue trains from Utah had difficulty reaching the exposed and hungry sufferers. Despite heroic efforts by company members and Utah rescuers, about 200, or one-sixth of the companies, died, and dozens were maimed by frostbite and deprivation. This tragedy was the worst disaster in the history of western overland travel. Rescue wagons carried survivors to Utah over roads kept open by teamsters driving wagons back and forth to pack the snow.(Utah History Encyclopedia)

The following is John Chislett's "Narrative," of the Willie's Company from Handcarts to Zion..

"We started from Florence about the i8th of August, and travelled in the same way as through Iowa, except that our carts were more heavily laden, as our teams could not haul sufficient flour to last us to Utah; it was therefore decided to put one sack (ninety-eight pounds) on each cart in additional to the regular baggage. Some of the people grumbled at this, the majority bore it without a murmur. Our flour ration was increased to a pound per day; fresh beef was issued occasionally, and each 'hundred' had three or four milch cows. The flour on the carts was used first, the weakest parties being the first relieved of their burdens.

"Everything seemed to be propitious, and we moved gaily forward full of hope and faith. At our camp each evening could be heard songs of joy, merry peals of laughter, and bon mots on our condition and prospects. Brother Savage's warning was forgotten in the mirthful ease of the hour. The only drawbacks to this part of our journey were the constant breaking down of carts and the delays caused by repairing them. The axles and boxes being of wood, and being ground out by the dust that found its way there in spite of our efforts to keep it out, together with the extra weight put on the carts, had the effect of breaking the axles at the shoulder. All kinds of expedients were resorted to as remedies for the growing evil, but with variable success. Some wrapped their axles with leather obtained from bootlegs; others with tin, obtained by sacrificing tin-plates, kettles, or buckets from their mess outfit. Besides these inconveniences, there was felt a great lack of a proper lubricator. Of anything suitable for this purpose we had none at all. The poor folks had to use their bacon (already totally insufficient for their wants) to grease their axles, and some even used their soap, of which they had very little, to make their carts trundle somewhat easier. In about twenty days, however, the flour being consumed, breakdowns became less frequent, and we jogged along finely. We traveled from ten to twenty miles per day, averaging fifteen miles. The people felt well, so did our cattle, and our immediate prospects of a prosperous journey were good. But the fates seemed to be against us.

"About this time we reached Wood River (a few miles above Grand Island, Nebraska). The whole country was alive with buffaloes, and one night-or, rather, evening-our cattle stampeded. Men went in pursuit and collected what they supposed to be the herd; but, on corralling them for yoking next morning, thirty head were missing. We hunted for them three days in every direction, but did not find them. We at last reluctantly gave up the search, and prepared to travel without them as best we could. We had only about enough oxen left to put one yoke to each wagon; but as they were each loaded with about three thousand pounds of flour, the teams could not of course move them. We then yoked up our beef cattle, milch cows, and, in fact, everything that could bear a yoke - even two-year-old heifers. The stock was wild and could pull but little) and we were unable, with all our stock, to move our loads. As a last resort, we again loaded a sack of flour on each cart. . .

"It was really hard for the folks to lose the use of their milch cows, have beef rations stopped, and haul one hundred pounds more on their carts. Every man and woman, however, worked to their utmost to put forward towards the goal of their hopes." " While trudging up the Platte the Fourth Handcart Company was overtaken by President Richards and the party of missionaries who had left Florence after seeing the last of the season's emigrants leave that point. They were traveling in carriages and light wagons pulled by horses and mules. After camping with Willie's company and giving them encouragement, the officials hurried on toward Salt Lake City, promising to send back supplies with all possible dispatch." Chislett continues:

"We reached [Fort] Laramie about the ist or 2nd of September, but the provisions, etc., which we expected, were not there for us. Captain Willie called a meeting to take into consideration our circumstances, conditions, and prospects, and to see what could be done. It was ascertained that at our present rate of travel and consumption of flour the latter would be exhausted when we were about three hundred and fifty miles from our destination. It was resolved to reduce our allowance from one pound to three-quarters of a pound per day, and at the same time to make every effort in our power to travel faster. We continued this rate of rations from Laramie to Independence Rock.

"About this time Captain Willie received a letter from Apostle Richards informing him that we might expect supplies to meet us from the valley by the time we reached South Pass. An examination of our stock of flour showed us that it would be gone before we reached that point. Our only alternative was to still further reduce our bill of fare. The issue of flour was then to average ten ounces per day. . .

"We had not traveled far up the Sweetwater before the nights, which had gradually been getting colder since we left Laramie, became very severe. The mountains before us, as we approached nearer to them, revealed themselves to view mantled nearly to their base in snow, and tokens of a coming storm were discernable in the clouds which each day seemed to lower around us.

"Our seventeen pounds of clothing and bedding was now altogether insufficient for our comfort. Nearly all suffered more or less at night from cold. Instead of getting up in the morning strong, refreshed, vigorous, and prepared for the hardships of another day of toil, the poor Saints were to be seen crawling out from their tents haggard, benumbed, and showing an utter lack of that vitality so necessary to our success.

"Cold weather, scarcity of food, lassitude and fatigue from over-exertion, soon produced their effects. Our old and infirm people began to drop, and they no sooner lost spirit and courage than death's stamp could be traced upon their features. Life went out as smoothly as a lamp ceases to burn when the oil is gone. At first the deaths occurred slowly and irregularly, but in a few days at more frequent intervals, until we soon thought it unusual to leave a campground without burying one or more persons.

"Death was not long confined in its ravages to the old and infirm, but the young and naturally strong were among its victims. . . Many a father pulled his cart, with his little children on it, until the day preceding his death. I have seen some pull their carts in the morning, give out during the day, and die before next morning.

"Each death weakened our forces. In my hundred I could not raise enough men to pitch a tent when we camped, and now it was that I had to exert myself to the utmost. I wonder I did not die, as many did who were stronger than I was. When we pitched our camp in the evening of each day, I had to lift the sick from the wagon and carry them to the fire, and in the morning carry them again on my back to the wagon. When any in my hundred died I had to inter them; often helping to dig the grave myself. In performing these sad offices I always offered up a heartfelt prayer to that God who beheld our sufferings, and begged him to avert destruction from us and send us help.

"We traveled on in misery and sorrow day after day. Sometimes we made a pretty good distance, but at other times we were only able to make a few miles progress. Finally we were overtaken by a snowstorm which the shrill wind blew furiously about us. The snow fell several inches deep as we travelled along, but we dared not stop, for we had a sixteen-mile journey to make, and short of it we could not get wood and water.

"As we were resting for a short time at noon a light wagon was driven into our camp from the west. Its occupants were Joseph A. Young and Stephen Taylor. They informed us that a train of supplies was on the way, and we might expect to meet it in a day or two. More welcome messengers never came from the courts of glory than these two young men were to us. They lost no time after encouraging us all they could to press forward, but sped on further east to convey their glad news to Edward Martin and the fifth handcart company who left Florence about two weeks after us, and who it was feared were even worse off than we were. As they went from our view, many a hearty 'God bless you' followed them.

"We pursued our journey with renewed hope and after untold toil and fatigue, doubling teams frequently, going back to fetch up the straggling carts, and encouraging those who had dropped by the way to a little more exertion in view of our soon-to-be improved condition, we finally, late at night, got all to camp - the wind howling frightfully and the snow eddying around us in fitful gusts. But we had found a good camp among the willows, and after warming and partially drying ourselves before good fires, we ate our scanty fare, paid our usual devotions to the Deity and retired to rest with hopes of coming aid.

"In the morning the snow was over a foot deep. Our cattle strayed widely during the storm, and some of them died. But what was worse to us than all this was the fact that five persons of both sexes lay in the cold embrace of death.

"The morning before the storm, or, rather, the morning of the day on which it came, we issued the last ration of flour. On this fatal morning, therefore, we had none to issue. We had, however, a barrel or two of hard bread which Captain Willie had procured at Fort Laramie in view of our destitution. This was equally and fairly divided among all the company. Two of our poor broken-down cattle were killed and their carcasses issued for beef. With this we were informed that we would have to subsist until the coming supplies reached us. All that now remained in our commissary were a few pounds each of Sugar and dried apples, about a quarter of a sack of rice and a small quantity (possibly 20 or 21) Ibs.) of hard bread..."Being surrounded by snow a foot deep, out of provisions, many of our people sick, and our cattle dying, it was decided that we should remain in our present camp" until the supply train reached us. It was also resolved in council that Captain Willie with one man should go in search of the supply train and apprise the leader of our condition, and hasten him to our help. When this was done we settled down and made our camp as comfortable as we could. As Captain Willie and his companion left for the West, many a heart was lifted in prayer for their success and speedy return. They were absent three days - three days which I shall never forget. The scanty allowance of hard bread and poor beef, distributed as described, was mostly eaten the first day by the hungry, ravenous, famished souls.

"We killed more cattle and issued the meat; but, eating it without bread, did not satisfy hunger, and to those who were suffering from dysentry it did more harm than good. This terrible disease increased rapidly amongst us during these three days, and several died from exhaustion. . . The recollection of it unmans me even now-those three days! During that time I visited the sick, the widows whose husbands died in serving them, and the aged who could not help themselves, to know for myself where to dispense the few articles that had been placed in my charge for distribution. Such craving hunger I never saw before, and may God in his mercy spare me the sight again. . . "The storm which we encountered, our brethren from the Valley also met, and, not knowing that we were so utterly destitute, they encamped to await fine weather." But when Captain Willie found them and explained our real condition, they at once hitched up their teams and made all speed to come to our rescue. On the evening of the third day (October 21) after Captain Willie's departure, just as the sun was sinking beautifully behind the distant hills, on an eminence immediately west of our camp several covered wagons, each drawn by four horses were seen coming towards us. The news ran through the camp like wildfire, and all who were able to leave their beds turned out en masse to see them. A few minutes brought them sufficiently near to reveal our faithful captain slightly in advance of the train. Shouts of joy rent the air; strong men wept till tears ran freely down their furrowed and sun-burnt cheeks, and little children partook of the joy which some of them hardly understood, and fairly danced around with gladness. Restraint was set aside in the general rejoicing, and as the brethren entered our camp the sisters fell upon them and deluged them with kisses."

The Salt Lake boys, mounted on harnessed mules and with axes in hand, were soon dragging wood from the hills. Fires warmed the camp and cooked food allayed starvation. But help had come too late to save all. Nine died that first night.

Chislett continues: "I was installed as regular commissary to the camp. The brethren turned over to me flour, potatoes, onions, and a limited supply of warm clothing for both sexes, besides quilts, blankets, buffalo robes, woolen socks, etc. I first distributed the necessary provisions, and after supper divided the clothing, bedding, etc. where it was most needed. That evening, for the first time in quite a period, the songs of Zion were to be heard in the camp, and peals of laughter issued from the little knots of people as they chatted around the fires. The change seemed almost miraculous, so sudden was it from grave to gay, from sorrow to gladness, from mourning to rejoicing. With the cravings of hunger satisfied, and with hearts filled with gratitude to God and our good brethren, we all united in prayer, and then retired to rest.

"Among the brethren who came to our succour were elders W. H. Kimball and G. D. Grant. They had remained but a few days in the Valley before starting back to meet us. May God ever bless them for their generous, unselfish kindness and their manly fortitude. They felt that they had, in a great measure, contributed to our sad position; but how nobly, how faithfully, how bravely they worked to bring us safely to the Valley to the Zion of our hopes.

Kimball and about half of the rescue party stayed with the Willie Company to help it move westward; while Grant, with the other half of the Salt Lake wagons, pushed on to find Martin's company and the two rear wagon trains.

James A Ivie was a part of the rescue effort, and he and Sarah West were married a few days after the Wiley party was brought into Salt Lake City. It was probably not the courtship she had anticipated.

"The economic situation improved after harvesting began in the summer of 1856, but a new complexity entering into the lives of the people was the 'Reformation' promulgated by the church leaders during the autumn of 1856. For several years past the church authorities had felt the people to be walking less sternly under the eye of God than their responsible membership in the Church demanded, and the time had come for a change. In Prove, as all over the territory of Utah, ward officials walked among the brethren, catechizing them as to their sins, urging them to forsake error, confess, and be baptized in a renewal of their covenant with the Lord. The catechizers were instructed that they were not at liberty to pry into sins that were between a person and his or her God, but such persons were to be encouraged 'to confess to the proper authorities that the adversary may not have an opportunity to take advantage of human weakness and thereby destroy souls' The fervent Saints responded, and in all the wards in Provo the people were re-baptized for remission of their sins." Utah Historical Encyclopedia

1857

In the spring of 1857, Warren Foote confided in his diary that the Reformation in Provo was getting a bit carried away, and reports that John L Ivie was one of those caught up in the fervor.

"March 6th The winter has been very severe. The snow is now all gone and the grass is starting. I started for Provo today with my wife Maria, to visit her folks. We staid over night with David Adamson at American Pork, (now called Lake City). The next day we arrived at Provo, and stopped with Father Ivie. There was a meeting in his block at night which he invited me to attend. I found the reformation spirit running very high with a great deal of enthuseasm, I was asked to speak, and spoke a short time, on the necessity of living above the law, and then we need not fear it.

“8th Sunday. Went to meeting. J. Hovey addressed the congregation, forenoon. At the intermission several were rebaptized, who were required to make stronger covenants than I would like to make. We took dinner with John Ivie, Maria's brother. He being a member of the High Council was one of those baptized. In the afternoon James Snow, President of this place, and Dominicas Carter delivered some very enthusiastic discourses, and I think, intermixed with some false doctrine. I think that

they are carrying things too far in this place,--more wildfire than sound sense, but time will show."

According to the historian Harold Schindler, "If any particular period could be considered critical in Utah's history, it likely would be 1857-58, when the U.S. Army marched on the Mormons and forever cracked their shell of isolationism. In the brief span of two years, Brigham Young would be deposed as governor of the territory, troops would be sent to protect his successor and a horrific episode known as the Mountain Meadow massacre would cloak the Mormon Church in a black shroud of shame and disgrace."

"The Army eventually withdrew, leaving behind millions in materiel, which the Mormons bought for pennies on the dollar. On the surface it seemed an unalloyed Mormon triumph, but in truth Brigham Young lost the total domination he once enjoyed over the residents of Utah."

The confrontation had been long simmering since the early 1850s with federal appointees who left Utah bitter and angry, after clashing with Gov. Young. By far the most vindictive was Associate Justice W.W. Drummond, who in 1855, was the latest federal appointee to the Supreme Court of the Territory of Utah.

Drummond was related by marriage to a Mormon, and he rated them somewhat lower than horse thieves on the social ladder. For his part Young considered Drummond ``a rotten-hearted loathesome reptile.'' He became a total pariah when it was discovered that "Mrs Dummond" was, in fact, Ada Carroll, a prostitute he had picked up in Washington. A letter, exposing all, from the real Mrs. Drummond, deserted with their in Oquaka, Illinois, was published in The Deseret News.

Drummond launched an all out assault on the Mormon courts, characterizing them as being "founded in ignorance", After threats by church thug Wild Bill Hickman, Drummond found it expedient to hold court in Carson City, and from there he traveled to San Francisco where he booked passage to Washington.

In Washington, Drummond agitated vociferously that the Mormons were in open rebellion, persuading the newly elected President, James Buchanan to send a large military force to Utah as an escort for new federal appointees, including a governor to replace Brigham Young. This was the largest U S military exercise between the Mexican and Civil Wars.

"August 18th [1857], Major Wm A. FOollett, Sergt. Richard Sessions, SIdney Bailey, THomas G. Wilson, Abraham Holladay, Martin W. Mills, Alva A. Zabriskie, Campbell Billingsley, Amos W. Haws, and Thomas, Woolsey, pursuant to orders, went on a twenty day's trip around the headwaters of the SPanish Fork, Duchane, and Provo rivers." Beginning September 1 another company including Elijah Billingsley and Jas. A. Ivie "proceeded to explore the head waters of the south fork of Provo river and the surrounding country." Likely this expedition was to make the Mormons familiar with the country in case they had to fight or in case they were pushed south by the U.S. Army. The next spring and summer, all of northern Utah evacuated to Utah County the next summer. People were camped everywhere, and a baby was born in Elijah's granary. "History of Provo," in Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, vol. 3, no. 3 (July, 1884) page 271:

On September 15, Young declared martial law in the territory, and scouting parties were soon sent into action. Lot Smith commanded a company of guerrillas to harass and delay any government advance near Green River crossing above Fort Bridger, while Porter Rockwell and Bill Hickman and their companies guarded other portions of the approach to Utah.

On October 4 three supply trains were burned. Major Lot Smith with a few of his scouts came on the trains in the night. He ordered the teamsters to remove their personal effects, permitted them to hold out 2 wagons for their own supplies, then forced the drivers to set fire to their own trains. Thus 74 wagons went in flames, and Smith made away with most of the oxen. The loss totaled about 420,00 pounds of foodstuffs, enough to amply sustain the expedition in winter quarters about sixty days. Only the nearness of the supply trains to Colonel Alexander's troops prevented the Mormons bringing the wagons on into Utah.

In one stroke, the Mormons had dealt a body blow to the federal force. The Expedition, including Gov. Alfred Cumming was effectively stalled in the mountains. It was the worst winter in decades. Without adequate clothing and virtually no rations, the soldiers began butchering oxen and mules for food. While the Mormons adapted plans to evacuate and burn Salt Lake City to the ground rather than let it fall to the invading army.

According to Stanford and Jordan, “John L Ivie was one of the nine men who, with Lot Smith, marched around the peak in Emigration canyon to make Johnson's army think a large number of men were passing over the trail. By changing their disguises and making a lot of noise the ruse was quite effective. It was mighty serious and dangerous at the time but gave them much pleasure to think back about it all the rest of their lives.” That John L Ivie was a member of Lot Smith’s party has not been confirmed.

In November, Orin Porter Rockwell and others were involved in an attack on a half -dozen Californians known as the Aiken party, who were accused of attempting to reach the troops of the Utah Expedition. They were apparently traders and gamblers, and not the spies church officials tried to portray them as being. If they had evil intent, it was likely pretty narrowly focused on bilking the soldiers and drovers stranded near Fort Bridger Twenty years later, Rockwell would be indicted on two counts of first-degree murder in the deaths of John and Tom Aiken.

While supposedly escorting the party back out of Utah, to the south towards California, Rockwell and others attempted to kill the Californians, but botched the job. Two men, who were badly wounded, escaped and managed to make it back to Nephi where they remained for a couple of days. When they were taken north, Rockwell and his men followed them, and this time finished them off, apparently in collusion with the local bishop. A persistent theme during the trial was the fact that after the murders Rockwell and his men were seen with the Californians' stock and wearing their clothes, some of which had bullet holes in them.

Rockwell died on 9 June 1878 in Salt Lake City, while awaiting trial on the Aiken murder charges. The trial proceeded against one of Rockwell's co-defendants, Sylvanus Colett in October. Richard Ivie was a witness for the prosecution. The Salt Lake City Tribune for October 10 reported that "Richard Ivie was the next witness. Lived in Provo in 1857. Knew the prisoner at that time, and the three other men who acted with him. Saw them in the city in the fall of 1857. Came from the north; had four or five persons with them. Camped in Bishop Fawcett's lot. Were traveling on horseback or muleback - eight or nine men in all - middling well dressed gentlemen. Wore broad brimmed hats, and of apparently good quality. This was late in the fall of 1857. "Stayed here over night. The party consisted of Murdock, Lott, Collett, Rockwell and I think Rhodes." "The men with them were said to be the Aiken party. Started in the direction of Springville. Had some pack animals along - think they were mules. Had no particular acquaintance with Collett. I lived in Provo and he in Lehi. Saw Rockwell, Lott, Collett, Murdock and possibly Rhodes return - five or six days after. They were mounted and leading animals. Took them to be the same animals as went through. One very nice iron gray mule I noticed as they went south, and he was along on their return. Talked with Lott a little, the others standing around. I said "You've got back, have you?" He said "Yes." Fawcett asked what they had done with the party. Some one said they had started for California on foot. Only stayed one night. Then they struck out far over the bench leading to Lehi. All lived there except Rockwell - believed he lived about Salt Lake somewhere. (SLC Tribune).

Bishop Fawcett was Richard's uncle, and it appears his yard was used as a livery,. Richard seemed to have hung out there to some extent, perhaps helping with the animals. He certainly focused on the iron gray mule, and still remembered it fondly 21 years later. At any rate his testimony helped establish that Rockwell and the others were traveling south with the Aiken party, and later returned with their animals.

Because of growing tensions with Washington and the possibility of armed intervention by U S troops, it was decided to consolidate Mormon settlement in the Territory and to abandon outlying outposts, including San Bernardino, CA. The decision was not popular in San Bernardino, and a large number Mormons who had gravitated there precisely because it was distant from church control opted to stay. The rather secular attitudes of many at the San Bernardino colony was a constant irritant to Salt Lake. One family story has it that James A Ivie went to San Bernardino to help his sister Sarah and her two children return to Utah. Her husband, James P Hirons, had, so the story goes, become a drunk and a gambler, with little concern for his wife and children and no desire to leave California. The evacuation of San Bernardino began in November and continued until the Spring of 1858. Approximately a thousand members of the colony returned to Utah, most settling in Southern Utah.

1858

On the 20th day of April 1858, Warren Foote recorded in his diary, "my second wife's first born son was born. She had a very hard labor & the child was dead when born, caused by the un-skillfulness of the midwife. We named him Hiram."

"Soon after this I moved my family down to the mill as the people had nearly all moved from Union. I soon sent Maria to Provo to stay with her father until things got into a more settled condition."